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Dear Jill and Gail,

With all this talk of lawsuits, I think this column regarding the state of

jurisprudence and self-responsibility in America is appropriate. It came out

yesterday...

-------------------------------------------------------------------------

" The Threat from Lawyers is No Joke "

by Walter Olson

In August 2000, " The Onion " -- America's favorite satirical newspaper

-- published an

article entitled, " Hershey's Ordered to Pay Obese Americans $135 Billion. "

This piece of comic

fiction reported that the chocolate company had been sued by state attorneys

general in a class

action over the lack of warnings on its product, over its marketing of

products to children, and over

its having -- most insidiously of all -- artificially spiked its product

with nuts and crisped rice to keep

people addicted. The jury, by this satirical account, had responded by

granting an enormous award.

" This is vindication for myself and all chocolate victims, " said one of the

plaintiffs. In addition, the

company was ordered to place a warning on all of its products reading: " The

Surgeon General has

determined that eating chocolate may lead to being really grossly fat. "

Well, on July 24, 2002 -- less than two years later -- the wire

services reported that Mr. Caesar

Barber of the Bronx, New York, was filing a lawsuit against Mc's. (He

was soon joined by

various other plaintiffs suing 's, Burger King, and other fast food

chains.) Mr. Barber had

for years been wandering into Mc's restaurants under the impression

that they served health

food, and had been receiving hamburgers and French fries instead of celery

stalks. He had no idea

that you could get fat from such products, and sure enough he developed

heart problems and other

medical conditions associated with obesity.

Although many of us greeted this lawsuit with incredulity, it was taken

quite seriously by some

veterans of the tobacco litigation that had succeeded so gloriously a few

years earlier. Here is a

law professor from Washington University, quoted in Time: " A fast

food company like

Mc's may not be responsible for the entire obesity epidemic. But

let's say they're five

percent responsible. Five percent of 117 billion dollars is still an

enormous amount of money. "

Northeastern University organized a conference on how to sue food makers

that was attended by

scores of lawyers, one of whom -- a recent Rutgers law graduate -- told

Time: " We're not saying

these lawsuits should win, but what can they hurt? "

We used to know the answer to that question. We knew that they could

hurt a lot.

The Older View

In Texas, a worman dentist who found out that her dentist husband was

cheating on her ran

over him in a Hilton parking lot. We used to see clearly that it would be

wrong in such a case to

sue Hilton for negligent training of employees -- thus for making it too

easy for wives to run over

their cheating husbands. But that's what happened.

Speaking of parking lots, the proprietor of one in Framingham,

Massachusetts, was sued after

a thief broke into the lot, drove off at high speed and crashed. Indeed,

the family of the thief sued

the lot owner for negligently making it too easy to steal a car from the

lot. We used to know what

was wrong with that, too.

A California man who passed out drunk on the railroad track sued the

Union Pacific railroad

because its engineer and conductor did not sound the train's horn after

seeing him -- they were

too busy frantically trying to engage its emergency brakes. On the other

coast, a woman who lay down on the tracks and was hit by a train -- police

concluded that she had been trying to kill herself -- was awarded $14.1

million by a New York City jury. Not only did we once know that such

lawsuits are wrong -- once they would not have been imaginable.

Throughout most of American history, we understood quite clearly that

litigation is for most

people one of the most expensive, unpleasant things that ever happens to

them in their lives. It is

incredibly expensive, not only monetarily, but in the time and energy it

absorbs. It is an assault on

the reputation of at least one party, and often both parties, as charges are

leveled back and forth.

It is an assault on privacy, forcing those involved to answer questions

under oath, involuntarily, about

what they have done. It is a breach of the social peace. It is something

that tends to corrupt the

participants into doing things that they would not do otherwise. So while

of course it was recognized that litigation is necessary sometimes as a last

resort, it was seen as just that -- a last resort. And if you accept the

idea that litigation ought to be a last resort -- and ought to be embarked

on only in strong cases -- you will want to arrange the rules of your legal

system in a way to discourage weaker cases from going forward. We do not do

this today. In fact, we have intentionally dismantled such rules.

In almost every country but the U.S., legal systems incorporate a

" loser pays " principle. If you sue someone and lose, you can't just walk

away. You have to contribute something to compensate the victim of the

lawsuit for what he has paid. We had that same principle in our legal system

throughout much of American history, but it gradually died out. We also had

procedural rules discouraging ill-conceived litigation. And we had rules of

legal ethics prohibiting lawyers from stirring up litigation for their own

benefit. But something changed in the 1970s. It started in the world of

ideas -- in the universities and the law schools. Litigation came to be

seen not as a necessary evil, but as a positive good. This view can be

identified with the career of Ralph Nader, and with many of the professors

who began to dominate elite law schools during that period.

The Newer View

According to this new view, litigation deters wrongful conduct: The

more lawsuits that are filed, the more people will behave carefully.

Litigation also came to be seen as a way to redistribute wealth from those

who have it to those who need it. From this perspective, the more

litigation there is, the more redistributive justice the courts can impose

on society. And who can be against justice?

From being a last resort, then, litigation came to be seen as socially

beneficial. And lawyers who

advertise with billboards saying, " Sue someone and let's see how much money

I can get for you, " are seen not as sleazy but as public-spirited.

Given this new view of litigation, rules discouraging lawsuits ceased

to make sense. This is why,

starting in the 1970s, we began changing the rules to make it easer to sue.

We liberalized

the rules of discovery -- the rules governing how a person can demand

information from his opponent. We opened the door to the " fishing

expedition " : " I don't know for sure whether you have done any legal wrong,

but please hand over the contents of your filing cabinets so that I can find

out. " We made it much easier to organize class actions, by which most

Americans are periodically dragged into lawsuits as plaintiffs without even

knowing it. We dropped many of the rules against lawyers stirring up

litigation.

And we weakened traditional legal principles like " assumption of risk. "

Here's what that means: If you go to a baseball game and get conked on the

head by a foul ball, the old courts would have said that you have no grounds

to sue because everyone knows that foul balls happen at baseball games.

This no longer makes sense, however, if the point of lawsuits is to

encourage ball clubs to be careful about where they let their players send

their foul balls -- and to redistribute wealth. So out it went, at least in

many courts.

All these developments were bound to give us more litigation, and sure

enough they did. The share of America's GNP that is devoted to litigation

has tripled over 50 years. We spend two to three times more on it, in terms

of percentage of GNP, as the other industrial democracies. The figure for

how much is spent annually on liability insurance in the U.S. is now $721

per citizen, which comes to over $2,800 per year for a family of four. So

are we getting our money's worth?

Everyone has heard about the medical malpractice crisis that is driving

doctors out of high-risk fields like obstetrics and neurosurgery. The

Harvard University study of New York hospitals that is cited by both sides

in this controversy is very revealing. On the one hand -- and this is the

part that has been best advertised -- it found that in the majority of cases

where people are injured by negligent care in a hospital, they never sue.

True enough. But the same study also found that in the majority of cases

where people do sue, experienced reviewers could not identify any

negligence. Is the latter somehow supposed to balance out the former? "

The Harvard study also found that a great many of the lawsuits filed

where no negligence was

identified were nonetheless successful in obtaining money. Even though we

could go on at great

length about the monetary costs of lawsuits, those costs are not, in the

final analysis, of prime

importance. Indeed, we are a very rich country and can afford to spend a

small percent of our GNP

on litigation, if only for the entertainment value. The non-monetary costs,

however, should give us

real pause. For instance, at the real heart of the medical malpractice

crisis is the demoralization

that spreads in a profession like medicine at the knowledge that being the

best possible doctor will

not save you from being sued. Most doctors, I think, would be willing to

pay high insurance premiums if they could have confidence that the legal

system works rationally in identifying the doctors who ought not to be

practicing. Few of them, I believe, have that confidence today.

Think of the knots that people tie themselves into, attempting to keep

from being sued. We've all seen crazy warning labels, and each of us has

his favorite. There's the one on an artificial fireplace log saying,

" Caution: Risk of Fire " ; the one on the bag of peanuts saying, " Warnilng:

Contains Nuts " ; and and the one on a baby stroller saying, " Warning: Remove

Child Before Folding. " My favorite is the warning on the cardboard

windshield sunscreen that keeps the car from getting too hot in the summer:

" Do not drive with sunshield in place. "

This unhealthy level of caution infects many areas of our national life.

Consider the unwillingness of most businesses today to give honest job

references. That was one factor behind the recent case of the alleged

killer nurse in Pennsylvania and New Jersey, who bounced from hospital to

hospital, usually leaving under suspicion. The hospitals hadn't even

bothered calling each other, because they knew they wouldn't get honest

answers due to fears about lawsuits.

Effects on American Politics

This revolution in the legal systemhas begun to transform American

politics. The part of this that

gets the most press today is the litigation lobby -- " big law, " if you will

-- which has become one of the most financially robust and effective lobbies

in American politics. But this financial involvement in politics was just a

prologue to a more disturbing trend: In recent years, litigation has evolved

into a kind of substitute for politics.

Until quite recently, a group of Americans who saw the need for some

sweeping new law would march in the streets, organize a letter-writing

campaign to Congress or the state legislature, or try to replace congressmen

or state legislators with candidates sympathetic to their cause. That was

how politics was done. But today, politics is not necessary. If you want

gun control or tighter control over tobacco or more environmental

regulations, you can simply call 1-800-LAWSUIT. Operators will be standing

by around the clock, and once you agree to give the lawyers a share of the

monetary reward, you can lean back and watch them go to work.

Take tobacco. Despite years of agitation, Congress had not acted

rapidly enough for anti-tobacco activists who wanted an increase in taxes on

cigarettes and more regulation of advertising. The states were doing some

of this, but not fast enough for activists. So what happened? We saw

private lawyers flying around the country in their Lear jets, signing up

state attorneys general and brokering a settlement that obtained $246

billion for state governments and $ 20 billion in fees for the lawyers. The

settlement also resulted in the adoption of regulations that the elected

branches of government had been unwilling to enact. We also got what

amounted to a new tax on cigarettes -- a tax increase unlike any other tax

hike, in that it did not originate in a legislature.

Soon we saw this same process of bypassing the political system being

tried in other areas as well. American Lawyer magazine published an article

on the origins of gun litigation, in which it interviewed the private lawyer

who had dreamed it up and flown around the country

selling it to mayors. The article explained that it fit his thinking --

that the plaintiff's bar should act as a " de facto fourth branch of

government -- one that achieved regulation through litigation when

legislation failed. " " Dickie " Scruggs, the private lawyer who

organized the tobacco litigation (and whose firm got one billion dollars for

it), was profiled in Time which reported as follows: " Ask

Scruggs if trial lawyers are trying to run America, and he doesn't bother to

deny it: 'Somebody's got to do it.' "

What are the differences between this newly contrived fourth branch of

government and the three branches that the founders established in the

Constitution? The differences begin with the manner of selection. Those in

the fourth branch don't have to worry about those pesky things called

elections -- or even about getting confirmed by the Senate, as federal

judges do. Nor do they have to worry about the safeguards of transparency

that are built into our political system. Much of their activity takes

place behind the scenes. Indeed, these cases nearly always are meant to be

settled instead of tried, and the public is not admitted into the

negotiation room. And if the public doesn't like the results, there is,

frankly, not much the public can do about it. This is highly ironic: The

proclaimed goal of trial lawyers is to hold every profession and industry

accountable for their actions, yet they have created a litigation-based

policy-making process in which they themselves are almost entirely

unaccountable.

Today there are increasing reports about how environmentalists are

beginning to place their trust

in global warming lawsuits against the auto industry, electric utilities and

the like. Racial reparations

litigation is beginning to absorb much of the energy that used to go into

political agitation for civil rights.

You see this occurring now in so many areas that Greider, a

leading left-wing journalist, has commented that trial lawyers have emerged

as the natural leadership of the left in America today. He may be right.

After years of refusing to govern our trial lawyers, it seems they have

decided to take it upon

themselves to govern us. It is not too late to do something about it. But

neither is this a problem

that can be solved overnight by a quick fix such as tort reform legislation.

As I said before, the ideas

that underlie the new legal system and way of governing were born in the

academy. This is where our judges and lawyers learned them. And now these

ideas are being spread among the general public by the system itself. For

instance, these lawsuits teach us again and again the principle that some

distant institution with a lot of money is responsible for each individual's

problems. It is this distorted view of responsibility that makes thinkable

today claims that were unthinkable a few short years ago.

So the first step in turning things around, I would say, is to come to

a real understanding of exactly what we did wrong in changing the rules of

our legal system and handing the trial lawyers so much power.

Until we reverse this process, it will remain the rule that if you hurt

someone in America, you

may not be able to do it with impunity using a scalpel or a car. But you

can do it with a lawsuit

and no one will lay a glove on you.

Copyright 2004, Hillsdale College, Mar. 25, 2004 " Imprimis. "

_________________________________________________________________

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Guest guest

Dear Jill and Gail,

With all this talk of lawsuits, I think this column regarding the state of

jurisprudence and self-responsibility in America is appropriate. It came out

yesterday...

-------------------------------------------------------------------------

" The Threat from Lawyers is No Joke "

by Walter Olson

In August 2000, " The Onion " -- America's favorite satirical newspaper

-- published an

article entitled, " Hershey's Ordered to Pay Obese Americans $135 Billion. "

This piece of comic

fiction reported that the chocolate company had been sued by state attorneys

general in a class

action over the lack of warnings on its product, over its marketing of

products to children, and over

its having -- most insidiously of all -- artificially spiked its product

with nuts and crisped rice to keep

people addicted. The jury, by this satirical account, had responded by

granting an enormous award.

" This is vindication for myself and all chocolate victims, " said one of the

plaintiffs. In addition, the

company was ordered to place a warning on all of its products reading: " The

Surgeon General has

determined that eating chocolate may lead to being really grossly fat. "

Well, on July 24, 2002 -- less than two years later -- the wire

services reported that Mr. Caesar

Barber of the Bronx, New York, was filing a lawsuit against Mc's. (He

was soon joined by

various other plaintiffs suing 's, Burger King, and other fast food

chains.) Mr. Barber had

for years been wandering into Mc's restaurants under the impression

that they served health

food, and had been receiving hamburgers and French fries instead of celery

stalks. He had no idea

that you could get fat from such products, and sure enough he developed

heart problems and other

medical conditions associated with obesity.

Although many of us greeted this lawsuit with incredulity, it was taken

quite seriously by some

veterans of the tobacco litigation that had succeeded so gloriously a few

years earlier. Here is a

law professor from Washington University, quoted in Time: " A fast

food company like

Mc's may not be responsible for the entire obesity epidemic. But

let's say they're five

percent responsible. Five percent of 117 billion dollars is still an

enormous amount of money. "

Northeastern University organized a conference on how to sue food makers

that was attended by

scores of lawyers, one of whom -- a recent Rutgers law graduate -- told

Time: " We're not saying

these lawsuits should win, but what can they hurt? "

We used to know the answer to that question. We knew that they could

hurt a lot.

The Older View

In Texas, a worman dentist who found out that her dentist husband was

cheating on her ran

over him in a Hilton parking lot. We used to see clearly that it would be

wrong in such a case to

sue Hilton for negligent training of employees -- thus for making it too

easy for wives to run over

their cheating husbands. But that's what happened.

Speaking of parking lots, the proprietor of one in Framingham,

Massachusetts, was sued after

a thief broke into the lot, drove off at high speed and crashed. Indeed,

the family of the thief sued

the lot owner for negligently making it too easy to steal a car from the

lot. We used to know what

was wrong with that, too.

A California man who passed out drunk on the railroad track sued the

Union Pacific railroad

because its engineer and conductor did not sound the train's horn after

seeing him -- they were

too busy frantically trying to engage its emergency brakes. On the other

coast, a woman who lay down on the tracks and was hit by a train -- police

concluded that she had been trying to kill herself -- was awarded $14.1

million by a New York City jury. Not only did we once know that such

lawsuits are wrong -- once they would not have been imaginable.

Throughout most of American history, we understood quite clearly that

litigation is for most

people one of the most expensive, unpleasant things that ever happens to

them in their lives. It is

incredibly expensive, not only monetarily, but in the time and energy it

absorbs. It is an assault on

the reputation of at least one party, and often both parties, as charges are

leveled back and forth.

It is an assault on privacy, forcing those involved to answer questions

under oath, involuntarily, about

what they have done. It is a breach of the social peace. It is something

that tends to corrupt the

participants into doing things that they would not do otherwise. So while

of course it was recognized that litigation is necessary sometimes as a last

resort, it was seen as just that -- a last resort. And if you accept the

idea that litigation ought to be a last resort -- and ought to be embarked

on only in strong cases -- you will want to arrange the rules of your legal

system in a way to discourage weaker cases from going forward. We do not do

this today. In fact, we have intentionally dismantled such rules.

In almost every country but the U.S., legal systems incorporate a

" loser pays " principle. If you sue someone and lose, you can't just walk

away. You have to contribute something to compensate the victim of the

lawsuit for what he has paid. We had that same principle in our legal system

throughout much of American history, but it gradually died out. We also had

procedural rules discouraging ill-conceived litigation. And we had rules of

legal ethics prohibiting lawyers from stirring up litigation for their own

benefit. But something changed in the 1970s. It started in the world of

ideas -- in the universities and the law schools. Litigation came to be

seen not as a necessary evil, but as a positive good. This view can be

identified with the career of Ralph Nader, and with many of the professors

who began to dominate elite law schools during that period.

The Newer View

According to this new view, litigation deters wrongful conduct: The

more lawsuits that are filed, the more people will behave carefully.

Litigation also came to be seen as a way to redistribute wealth from those

who have it to those who need it. From this perspective, the more

litigation there is, the more redistributive justice the courts can impose

on society. And who can be against justice?

From being a last resort, then, litigation came to be seen as socially

beneficial. And lawyers who

advertise with billboards saying, " Sue someone and let's see how much money

I can get for you, " are seen not as sleazy but as public-spirited.

Given this new view of litigation, rules discouraging lawsuits ceased

to make sense. This is why,

starting in the 1970s, we began changing the rules to make it easer to sue.

We liberalized

the rules of discovery -- the rules governing how a person can demand

information from his opponent. We opened the door to the " fishing

expedition " : " I don't know for sure whether you have done any legal wrong,

but please hand over the contents of your filing cabinets so that I can find

out. " We made it much easier to organize class actions, by which most

Americans are periodically dragged into lawsuits as plaintiffs without even

knowing it. We dropped many of the rules against lawyers stirring up

litigation.

And we weakened traditional legal principles like " assumption of risk. "

Here's what that means: If you go to a baseball game and get conked on the

head by a foul ball, the old courts would have said that you have no grounds

to sue because everyone knows that foul balls happen at baseball games.

This no longer makes sense, however, if the point of lawsuits is to

encourage ball clubs to be careful about where they let their players send

their foul balls -- and to redistribute wealth. So out it went, at least in

many courts.

All these developments were bound to give us more litigation, and sure

enough they did. The share of America's GNP that is devoted to litigation

has tripled over 50 years. We spend two to three times more on it, in terms

of percentage of GNP, as the other industrial democracies. The figure for

how much is spent annually on liability insurance in the U.S. is now $721

per citizen, which comes to over $2,800 per year for a family of four. So

are we getting our money's worth?

Everyone has heard about the medical malpractice crisis that is driving

doctors out of high-risk fields like obstetrics and neurosurgery. The

Harvard University study of New York hospitals that is cited by both sides

in this controversy is very revealing. On the one hand -- and this is the

part that has been best advertised -- it found that in the majority of cases

where people are injured by negligent care in a hospital, they never sue.

True enough. But the same study also found that in the majority of cases

where people do sue, experienced reviewers could not identify any

negligence. Is the latter somehow supposed to balance out the former? "

The Harvard study also found that a great many of the lawsuits filed

where no negligence was

identified were nonetheless successful in obtaining money. Even though we

could go on at great

length about the monetary costs of lawsuits, those costs are not, in the

final analysis, of prime

importance. Indeed, we are a very rich country and can afford to spend a

small percent of our GNP

on litigation, if only for the entertainment value. The non-monetary costs,

however, should give us

real pause. For instance, at the real heart of the medical malpractice

crisis is the demoralization

that spreads in a profession like medicine at the knowledge that being the

best possible doctor will

not save you from being sued. Most doctors, I think, would be willing to

pay high insurance premiums if they could have confidence that the legal

system works rationally in identifying the doctors who ought not to be

practicing. Few of them, I believe, have that confidence today.

Think of the knots that people tie themselves into, attempting to keep

from being sued. We've all seen crazy warning labels, and each of us has

his favorite. There's the one on an artificial fireplace log saying,

" Caution: Risk of Fire " ; the one on the bag of peanuts saying, " Warnilng:

Contains Nuts " ; and and the one on a baby stroller saying, " Warning: Remove

Child Before Folding. " My favorite is the warning on the cardboard

windshield sunscreen that keeps the car from getting too hot in the summer:

" Do not drive with sunshield in place. "

This unhealthy level of caution infects many areas of our national life.

Consider the unwillingness of most businesses today to give honest job

references. That was one factor behind the recent case of the alleged

killer nurse in Pennsylvania and New Jersey, who bounced from hospital to

hospital, usually leaving under suspicion. The hospitals hadn't even

bothered calling each other, because they knew they wouldn't get honest

answers due to fears about lawsuits.

Effects on American Politics

This revolution in the legal systemhas begun to transform American

politics. The part of this that

gets the most press today is the litigation lobby -- " big law, " if you will

-- which has become one of the most financially robust and effective lobbies

in American politics. But this financial involvement in politics was just a

prologue to a more disturbing trend: In recent years, litigation has evolved

into a kind of substitute for politics.

Until quite recently, a group of Americans who saw the need for some

sweeping new law would march in the streets, organize a letter-writing

campaign to Congress or the state legislature, or try to replace congressmen

or state legislators with candidates sympathetic to their cause. That was

how politics was done. But today, politics is not necessary. If you want

gun control or tighter control over tobacco or more environmental

regulations, you can simply call 1-800-LAWSUIT. Operators will be standing

by around the clock, and once you agree to give the lawyers a share of the

monetary reward, you can lean back and watch them go to work.

Take tobacco. Despite years of agitation, Congress had not acted

rapidly enough for anti-tobacco activists who wanted an increase in taxes on

cigarettes and more regulation of advertising. The states were doing some

of this, but not fast enough for activists. So what happened? We saw

private lawyers flying around the country in their Lear jets, signing up

state attorneys general and brokering a settlement that obtained $246

billion for state governments and $ 20 billion in fees for the lawyers. The

settlement also resulted in the adoption of regulations that the elected

branches of government had been unwilling to enact. We also got what

amounted to a new tax on cigarettes -- a tax increase unlike any other tax

hike, in that it did not originate in a legislature.

Soon we saw this same process of bypassing the political system being

tried in other areas as well. American Lawyer magazine published an article

on the origins of gun litigation, in which it interviewed the private lawyer

who had dreamed it up and flown around the country

selling it to mayors. The article explained that it fit his thinking --

that the plaintiff's bar should act as a " de facto fourth branch of

government -- one that achieved regulation through litigation when

legislation failed. " " Dickie " Scruggs, the private lawyer who

organized the tobacco litigation (and whose firm got one billion dollars for

it), was profiled in Time which reported as follows: " Ask

Scruggs if trial lawyers are trying to run America, and he doesn't bother to

deny it: 'Somebody's got to do it.' "

What are the differences between this newly contrived fourth branch of

government and the three branches that the founders established in the

Constitution? The differences begin with the manner of selection. Those in

the fourth branch don't have to worry about those pesky things called

elections -- or even about getting confirmed by the Senate, as federal

judges do. Nor do they have to worry about the safeguards of transparency

that are built into our political system. Much of their activity takes

place behind the scenes. Indeed, these cases nearly always are meant to be

settled instead of tried, and the public is not admitted into the

negotiation room. And if the public doesn't like the results, there is,

frankly, not much the public can do about it. This is highly ironic: The

proclaimed goal of trial lawyers is to hold every profession and industry

accountable for their actions, yet they have created a litigation-based

policy-making process in which they themselves are almost entirely

unaccountable.

Today there are increasing reports about how environmentalists are

beginning to place their trust

in global warming lawsuits against the auto industry, electric utilities and

the like. Racial reparations

litigation is beginning to absorb much of the energy that used to go into

political agitation for civil rights.

You see this occurring now in so many areas that Greider, a

leading left-wing journalist, has commented that trial lawyers have emerged

as the natural leadership of the left in America today. He may be right.

After years of refusing to govern our trial lawyers, it seems they have

decided to take it upon

themselves to govern us. It is not too late to do something about it. But

neither is this a problem

that can be solved overnight by a quick fix such as tort reform legislation.

As I said before, the ideas

that underlie the new legal system and way of governing were born in the

academy. This is where our judges and lawyers learned them. And now these

ideas are being spread among the general public by the system itself. For

instance, these lawsuits teach us again and again the principle that some

distant institution with a lot of money is responsible for each individual's

problems. It is this distorted view of responsibility that makes thinkable

today claims that were unthinkable a few short years ago.

So the first step in turning things around, I would say, is to come to

a real understanding of exactly what we did wrong in changing the rules of

our legal system and handing the trial lawyers so much power.

Until we reverse this process, it will remain the rule that if you hurt

someone in America, you

may not be able to do it with impunity using a scalpel or a car. But you

can do it with a lawsuit

and no one will lay a glove on you.

Copyright 2004, Hillsdale College, Mar. 25, 2004 " Imprimis. "

_________________________________________________________________

Add photos to your e-mail with MSN Premium. Get 2 months FREE*

http://join.msn.com/?pgmarket=en-ca & page=byoa/prem & xAPID=1994 & DI=1034 & SU=http://\

hotmail.com/enca & HL=Market_MSNIS_Taglines

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Guest guest

That's a brilliant piece, Saul, thanx for finding it. I'm going to

send it around to friends. It says it all so well.

You know, I have been saying for years now we should have a " loser

pays " policy. Then, only the genuinely aggrieved would sue.

And though he says we are a rich country and it doesn't cost us, it

does cost those who lose.

This is happening in business now all the time, too. Microsoft, for

instance, I feel is being treated unfairly. Yes its a monopoly but

we are a capitalist country and their success ushered in the

innovations that allow most of us our computers and thus these

newsgroups. Now the European Union has slapped fines and restrictions

on them. And our justice department clogged them up in lawsuits for

years. And part of it may be just, but part of it is just universal

hatred for one of the most successful companies of all time.

Now companies use the Justice Department and the FTC to try and gain

in business. Rambus has been sued, sued back, countersued--the

lawsuits are endless. I forget how many other companies are suing

each other right now. I think Oracle was going to sue somebody.

That, in the end, hurts innovation and our country.

And medicine--what it means is that's one reason that health

insurance is so prohibitive for us in America. Because the doctors

are so afraid of malpractice, they order all kinds of expensive tests

to rule out stuff. Who pays? In the end, we pay, and yes, the

doctors pay, because they spend so much time making sure there is

nothing wrong, so they won't be sued.

And its another reason the doctors say things like, That might be a

good therapy, but if you do it, just remember I don' tknow about it.

That's because they are not " allowed " to experiment...or the office

of Proffesional Medical Conduct (OPMC) will be after them and htey

will have to spend a ton of $ on lawyers to defend themselves...this

was even true for the doctor who had the hyperbaric clinic, she

started out doing EEG Neurofeedback, which has proven efficacy in

lots of conditions. She was helping epileptic kids get off their

drugs etc...she wasn't advertising, was being quiet, and had degrees

from Harvard and Stanford...she was " looked into " and she said it was

about 2 years, from my memory, that she had to pay lawyers to defend

her...and luckily, the OPMC decided not to pursue it...

It's a reason I feel I just can't help the old lady, Roz, who is

going blind from macular degeneration. Sitting in my livingroom is a

hyperbaric chamber that would halt and maybe reverse this process.

But as my doctor said, she has crazy relatives, and they would

happily sue.

It's a reason

Here's another lawsuit from my favorite place in the world, Santa Fe,

New Mexico, that is going on currently:

Eight former employers of Whole Foods Market may love

to see customers at the store – but not quite that much

of one particular shopper.

In fact, having to witness a middle-aged man going

through a Sante Fe Whole Foods store wearing white,

see-through body-hugging bikini shorts with

no underwear was a bit over the top for one group of

former employees who are now suing the Austin,

Texas-based food company for not stopping the

display. Closing arguments in the case were held

Thursday in a Santa Fe courtroom, Reuters reported.

Bautista and seven other plaintiffs are suing

under New Mexico's Human Rights Act, charging that

the store fostered an environment of discrimination

and sexual harassment that caused them emotional distress

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> That's a brilliant piece, Saul, thanx for finding it. I'm going to

> send it around to friends. It says it all so well.

>

> You know, I have been saying for years now we should have a " loser

> pays " policy. Then, only the genuinely aggrieved would sue.

Although the concept is sound, it is not quite so simple...

Unless, of course, you are under the delusion that the party that is

right always wins, and the party that is wrong always loses.

The BIGGEST problem with our legal system today is NOT that the loser

doesn't have to pay - the problem is that lawyers and plaintiffs who

bring FRIVOLOUS (or MALICIOUS) lawsuits are not PENALIZED.

The BEST system would be much simpler...

When the case goes to the jury, the jury has some extra choices...

1. If they determine that the case was frivolous, then the lawyers who

brought the case are DISBARRED. No second chances.

2. If they determine that the case was brought MALICIOUSLY - then the

lawyers are disbarred, and CRIMINAL CHARGES are brought against BOTH the

lawyers AND the plaintiffs, for MALICIOUS PROSECUTION - and the

potential PENALTIES being the EXACT SAME as the people they were

maliciously prosecuting would have faced had they been found guilty.

Of course, seeing as this would require an act of Congress (and/or State

legislatures), and seeing that these are made up virtually 100% of

lawyers, there is virtually no chance of it ever happening.

> And though he says we are a rich country and it doesn't cost us, it

> does cost those who lose.

Yes - but a 'loser pays' solution wouldnt change anything, because it is

the ones with the most MONEY that win today, 99% of the time, REGARDLESS

of who is right.

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