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From: " ilena rose " <ilena@...>

Sent: Wednesday, July 18, 2001 12:06 PM

Subject: The Spin Doctors and Silicone Breast Implants

~~~ Great find by Janna posted on alt.support.breast-implant ~~~

http://www.bcaction.org/Pages/SearchablePages/1996Newsletters/Newsletter039C

..htm

l

The Spin Doctors and Silicone Breast Implants

by Kyra Subbotin

What does $3.7 million dollars buy you? In the case of Dow Coming, it bought

an eleven-month media campaign that helped to undo the avalanche of adverse

publicity that occurred in the wake of several high-profile breast implant

lawsuits. In the early 1990s, Dow was hit with a number of multimillion

dollar judgments for manufacturing defective breast implants. One, rendered

in December 1991 for $7.4 million, resulted in a jury finding of fraud,

oppression and malice on the part of the corporation. That suit led to the

disclosure of previously confidential internal company documents, which made

clear that Dow had known for decades that its implants were problematic at

best and life-threatening at worst. (See Blaming Breast Implant Victims)

As the FDA moved toward action, so did Dow. The company hired

BursonMarsteller, one of the largest public relations firms in the United

States, to help turn the tide of public opinion in its favor. Burson was the

company to which had paid $10 million to organize the

National Smokers' Alliance to lobby for the company in the name of smokers'

rights. According to internal documents obtained from Burson by PR Watch, a

public relations watchdog newsletter published by the Madison,

Wisconsinbased Center for Media & Democracy, Burson had warned Dow in the

mid1980s that it faced a potential " corporate media crisis. " That prediction

came true with the $7.4 million judgment and with the release of the

previously confidential and highly unflattering Dow documents-documents in

which Dow's own CEO described his company's actions as a " cover-up, " which

was " going well from a longterm perspective. "

Burson immediately targeted the breast cancer community as a potential

source of " grassroots " support. Burson determined that breast cancer

patients who had used implants for breast reconstruction would " engender

more sympathy " and would be more likely to accomplish Dow's goal of turning

public opinion around. Burson did not stop there: it also targeted cancer

specialists and attempted to recruit them as " spokesdoctors, " primarily

because they had " more credibility than a plastic surgeon. " Of course, the

plastic surgeons had profited most from Dows implants. The implants cost

only $200 to $300, but the plastic surgeon was able to charge up to $4,000

for the one-hour implant procedure.

Burson tried unsuccessfully to obtain a " celebrity spokesperson " who could

front a yet-to-be-created cancer support organization that would be funded

by Dow and that would have day-to-day media support provided by Burson, all

at Dow's expense. This Dow-funded, Dow-created organization and its

celebrity head would then " be trained and testimony will be written for them

to deliver before Congressional committees. " Burson estimated that Dow would

pay approximately $900,000 to get the organization up and running, well over

half of the total judgment awarded to Stem, the first plaintiff to

prevail against the corporate giant.

Burson's public relations team successfully recruited members of the

G. Komen Foundation, the National Alliance of Breast Cancer Organizations

(NABCO) and Y-ME to participate in the FDA hearings and a Washington, D.C.

rally. Various representatives were flown to Washington, all expenses paid,

where some testified in support of implants. Burson obtained the

participation of these well-known organizations by offering financial

assistance on what it referred to as an " I scratch your back " basis.

Notwithstanding the multimillion dollar public relations campaign and the

support of certain breast cancer groups, the FDA ultimately banned implants

in early 1992, though it made an exemption so that breast cancer patients

could continue to receive implants if they chose to. But Burson's campaign

paid off in other arenas. Burson had recommended that Dow identify and

target scientists who could provide " a key role in disseminating " the Dow

message but who would have the appearance of impartiality. Burson further re

commended that Dow train and support them to " get our message out.using them

proactively to brief the trade, general and business media.using them

reactively as a 'truth squad' to refute antagonists. " This Dow did by, among

other things, providing over $7 million in funding to Harvard-Brigham

hospital, which was then engaged in an epidemiological study on breast

implants. Dow's lawyers also recruited doctors involved in major studies to

serve as highly paid expert consultants in ongoing litigation. One of these

highly paid consultant/researchers later admitted to providing Dow with

information regarding an ongoing study, though he refused to disclose

whether Dow actually had a hand in shaping the methodology used in that

study.

Bursons campaign highlights what money, particularly corporate funding in

large amounts, can buy. In this case, it bought the cooperation of several

breast cancer organizations who serve a community that may well be adversely

affected by Dow's product. It also bought the cooperation of physicians and

researchers whose objectivity must now be questioned. And it led to

high-profile television and newspaper exposÈs that concluded that silicone

posed no discernible health risk, a conclusion that directly contradicts

Dow's own decades-old research.

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  • 4 months later...

----- Original Message -----

From: " Ilena Rose " <ilena@...>

Sent: Tuesday, November 20, 2001 3:15 PM

Subject: The Spin Doctors and Silicone Breast Implants

http://www.bcaction.org/Pages/SearchablePages/1996Newsletters/Newsletter039C

..htm

l

Newsletter #39, December 1996/January 1997

The Spin Doctors and Silicone Breast Implants

by Kyra Subbotin

What does $3.7 million dollars buy you? In the case of Dow Coming, it

bought an eleven-month media campaign that helped to undo the avalanche of

adverse publicity that occurred in the wake of several high-profile breast

implant lawsuits. In the early 1990s, Dow was hit with a number of

multimillion dollar judgments for manufacturing defective breast implants.

One, rendered in December 1991 for $7.4 million, resulted in a jury

finding of fraud, oppression and malice on the part of the corporation.

That suit led to the disclosure of previously confidential internal

company documents, which made clear that Dow had known for decades that

its implants were problematic at best and life-threatening at worst. (See

Blaming Breast Implant Victims)

As the FDA moved toward action, so did Dow. The company hired

BursonMarsteller, one of the largest public relations firms in the United

States, to help turn the tide of public opinion in its favor. Burson was

the company to which had paid $10 million to organize the

National Smokers' Alliance to lobby for the company in the name of

smokers' rights. According to internal documents obtained from Burson by

PR Watch, a public relations watchdog newsletter published by the Madison,

Wisconsinbased Center for Media & Democracy, Burson had warned Dow in the

mid1980s that it faced a potential " corporate media crisis. " That

prediction came true with the $7.4 million judgment and with the release

of the previously confidential and highly unflattering Dow

documentsãdocuments in which Dow's own CEO described his company's actions

as a " cover-up, " which was " going well from a longterm perspective. "

Burson immediately targeted the breast cancer community as a potential

source of " grassroots " support. Burson determined that breast cancer

patients who had used implants for breast reconstruction would " engender

more sympathy " and would be more likely to accomplish Dow's goal of

turning public opinion around. Burson did not stop there: it also targeted

cancer specialists and attempted to recruit them as " spokesdoctors, "

primarily because they had " more credibility than a plastic surgeon. " Of

course, the plastic surgeons had profited most from Dows implants. The

implants cost only $200 to $300, but the plastic surgeon was able to

charge up to $4,000 for the one-hour implant procedure.

Burson tried unsuccessfully to obtain a " celebrity spokesperson " who could

front a yet-to-be-created cancer support organization that would be funded

by Dow and that would have day-to-day media support provided by Burson,

all at Dow's expense. This Dow-funded, Dow-created organization and its

celebrity head would then " be trained and testimony will be written for

them to deliver before Congressional committees. " Burson estimated that

Dow would pay approximately $900,000 to get the organization up and

running, well over half of the total judgment awarded to Stem, the

first plaintiff to prevail against the corporate giant.

Burson's public relations team successfully recruited members of the

G. Komen Foundation, the National Alliance of Breast Cancer Organizations

(NABCO) and Y-ME to participate in the FDA hearings and a Washington, D.C.

rally. Various representatives were flown to Washington, all expenses

paid, where some testified in support of implants. Burson obtained the

participation of these well-known organizations by offering financial

assistance on what it referred to as an " I scratch your back " basis.

Notwithstanding the multimillion dollar public relations campaign and the

support of certain breast cancer groups, the FDA ultimately banned

implants in early 1992, though it made an exemption so that breast cancer

patients could continue to receive implants if they chose to. But Burson's

campaign paid off in other arenas. Burson had recommended that Dow

identify and target scientists who could provide " a key role in

disseminating " the Dow message but who would have the appearance of

impartiality. Burson further recommended that Dow train and support them

to " get our message outäusing them proactively to brief the trade, general

and business mediaäusing them reactively as a 'truth squad' to refute

antagonists. " This Dow did by, among other things, providing over $7

million in funding to Harvard-Brigham hospital, which was then engaged in

an epidemiological study on breast implants. Dow's lawyers also recruited

doctors involved in major studies to serve as highly paid expert

consultants in ongoing litigation. One of these highly paid

consultant/researchers later admitted to providing Dow with information

regarding an ongoing study, though he refused to disclose whether Dow

actually had a hand in shaping the methodology used in that study.

Bursons campaign highlights what money, particularly corporate funding in

large amounts, can buy. In this case, it bought the cooperation of several

breast cancer organizations who serve a community that may well be

adversely affected by Dow's product. It also bought the cooperation of

physicians and researchers whose objectivity must now be questioned. And

it led to high-profile television and newspaper exposÈs that concluded

that silicone posed no discernible health risk, a conclusion that directly

contradicts Dow's own decades-old research.

This article was was based on information provided by PR Watch and

Silicone Scene newsletters.

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Site Info [06.363] 09.18.00

© 2001, Breast Cancer Action

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